Delphi Complete Works of Dio Chrysostom Read online

  The Complete Works of

  DIO CHRYSOSTOM

  (AD 40–c. 115)

  Contents

  The Translations

  DISCOURSES

  ENCOMIUM ON HAIR

  FRAGMENTS

  The Greek Texts

  LIST OF GREEK TEXTS

  The Dual Text

  THE DUAL GREEK AND ENGLISH TEXT

  The Biography

  INTRODUCTION TO DIO CHRYSOSTOM by J. W. Cohoon

  The Delphi Classics Catalogue

  © Delphi Classics 2017

  Version 1

  The Complete Works of

  DIO CHRYSOSTOM

  By Delphi Classics, 2017

  COPYRIGHT

  Complete Works of Dio Chrysostom

  First published in the United Kingdom in 2017 by Delphi Classics.

  © Delphi Classics, 2017.

  All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of the publisher, nor be otherwise circulated in any form other than that in which it is published.

  ISBN: 978 1 78656 390 3

  Delphi Classics

  is an imprint of

  Delphi Publishing Ltd

  Hastings, East Sussex

  United Kingdom

  Contact: [email protected]

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  The Translations

  Bursa, formerly Prusa in the Roman province of Bithynia, now a large city in north-western Turkey — Dio’s birthplace

  DISCOURSES

  Translated by J. W. Cohoon

  Dio Chrysostom was born at Prusa, now Bursa, in the Roman province of Bithynia in AD 40. His father, Pasicrates, is believed to have taken great care of his son’s education and the early training of his mind. At first Dio occupied himself in his native town, where he held important offices, while composing speeches and other rhetorical and sophistical essays, but he later devoted himself with zeal to the study of philosophy, travelling to Rome to extend his learning, where he was eventually converted to Stoicism.

  Dio formed part of the Second Sophistic school of Greek philosophers that reached its peak in the early second century. He was considered as one of the most eminent of the Greek rhetoricians by the ancients that wrote about him, including Philostratus, Synesius and Photius. His eighty extant Orations appear to be written versions of his oral teaching, similar in style to essays on political, moral and philosophical subjects. They include four orations on kingship addressed to Trajan on the virtues of a sovereign; four on the character of Diogenes of Sinope. Other topics include the troubles that men expose themselves to by deserting the path of Nature and the difficulties that a sovereign has to encounter.

  There are also discourses on slavery and freedom, on the means of attaining eminence as an orator, as well as political essays addressed to various towns that Dio both praises and censures, though always with moderation and wisdom. The discourses also cover subjects of ethics and practical philosophy, which he treats in a popular and attractive manner; and lastly, there are orations on mythical subjects and show-speeches.

  Dio wrote many other philosophical and historical works, none of which survive, except for fragments. The works that survive confirm his prominent influence in reviving Greek literature in the Roman Empire, marking the beginning of the Second Sophistic movement. Dio was committed to defending the ethical values of the Greek cultural tradition, as reflected by his sober and elegant style.

  ‘Orations of Dio Chrysostom’ edited by Johann Jakob Reiske, 1784

  Statue of Diogenes at Sinop, Turkey — Diogenes forms an important subject of Dio’s Discourses

  CONTENTS

  THE FIRST DISCOURSE ON KINGSHIP

  THE SECOND DISCOURSE ON KINGSHIP

  THE THIRD DISCOURSE ON KINGSHIP

  THE FOURTH DISCOURSE ON KINGSHIP

  THE FIFTH DISCOURSE: A LIBYAN MYTH

  THE SIXTH DISCOURSE: DIOGENES, OR ON TYRANNY

  THE SEVENTH OR EUBOEAN DISCOURSE

  THE EIGHTH DISCOURSE, ON VIRTUE

  THE NINTH OR ISTHMIAN DISCOURSE

  THE TENTH DISCOURSE: DIOGENES OR ON SERVANTS

  THE ELEVENTH DISCOURSE MAINTAINING THAT TROY WAS NOT CAPTURED

  THE TWELFTH OR OLYMPIC DISCOURSE: OR, ON MAN’S FIRST CONCEPTION OF GOD

  THE THIRTEENTH DISCOURSE: IN ATHENS, ABOUT HIS BANISHMENT

  THE FOURTEENTH DISCOURSE: ON SLAVERY AND FREEDOM I

  THE FIFTEENTH DISCOURSE: ON SLAVERY AND FREEDOM II

  THE SIXTEENTH DISCOURSE: ON PAIN AND DISTRESS OF SPIRIT

  THE SEVENTEENTH DISCOURSE: ON COVETOUSNESS

  THE EIGHTEENTH DISCOURSE: ON TRAINING FOR PUBLIC SPEAKING

  THE NINETEENTH DISCOURSE: ON THE AUTHOR’S FONDNESS FOR LISTENING TO MUSIC, THE DRAMA, AND ORATORY

  THE TWENTIETH DISCOURSE: ON RETIREMENT

  THE TWENTY-FIRST DISCOURSE: ON BEAUTY

  THE TWENTY-SECOND DISCOURSE: CONCERNING PEACE AND WAR

  THE TWENTY-THIRD DISCOURSE: THAT THE WISE MAN IS FORTUNATE AND HAPPY

  THE TWENTY-FOURTH DISCOURSE: ON HAPPINESS

  THE TWENTY-FIFTH DISCOURSE: ON THE GUIDING (OR GUARDIAN) SPIRIT

  THE TWENTY-SIXTH DISCOURSE: ON DELIBERATION

  THE TWENTY-SEVENTH DISCOURSE: A SHORT TALK ON WHAT TAKES PLACE AT A SYMPOSIUM

  THE TWENTY-EIGHTH DISCOURSE: MELANCOMAS II

  THE TWENTY-NINTH DISCOURSE: MELANCOMAS I

  THE THIRTIETH DISCOURSE: CHARIDEMUS

  THE THIRTY-FIRST DISCOURSE: THE RHODIAN ORATION

  THE THIRTY-SECOND DISCOURSE: TO THE PEOPLE OF ALEXANDRIA

  THE THIRTY-THIRD, OR FIRST TARSIC, DISCOURSE

  THE THIRTY-FOURTH, OR SECOND TARSIC, DISCOURSE

  THE THIRTY-FIFTH DISCOURSE, DELIVERED IN CELAENAE IN PHRYGIA

  THE THIRTY-SIXTH, OR BORYSTHENITIC, DISCOURSE WHICH DIO DELIVERED IN HIS NATIVE LAND

  THE THIRTY-SEVENTH DISCOURSE: THE CORINTHIAN ORATION

  THE THIRTY-EIGHTH DISCOURSE: TO THE NICOMEDIANS ON CONCORD WITH THE NICAEANS

  THE THIRTY-NINTH DISCOURSE: ON CONCORD IN NICAEA UPON THE CESSATION OF CIVIL STRIFE

  THE FORTIETH DISCOURSE: DELIVERED IN HIS NATIVE CITY ON CONCORD WITH THE APAMEIANS

  THE FORTY-FIRST DISCOURSE: TO THE APAMEIANS ON CONCORD

  THE FORTY-SECOND DISCOURSE: AN ADDRESS IN HIS NATIVE CITY

  THE FORTY-THIRD DISCOURSE: A POLITICAL ADDRESS IN HIS NATIVE CITY

  THE FORTY-FOURTH DISCOURSE: AN ADDRESS OF FRIENDSHIP FOR HIS NATIVE LAND ON ITS PROPOSING HONOURS FOR HIM

  THE FORTY-FIFTH DISCOURSE: IN DEFENCE OF HIS RELATIONS WITH HIS NATIVE CITY

  THE FORTY-SIXTH DISCOURSE: DELIVERED IN HIS NATIVE CITY PRIOR TO HIS PHILOSOPHICAL CAREER

  THE FORTY-SEVENTH DISCOURSE: A SPEECH IN THE PUBLIC ASSEMBLY AT PRUSA

  THE FORTY-EIGHTH DISCOURSE: A POLITICAL ADDRESS IN ASSEMBLY

  THE FORTY-NINTH DISCOURSE: A REFUSAL OF THE OFFICE OF ARCHON DELIVERED BEFORE THE COUNCIL

  THE FIFTIETH DISCOURSE: REGARDING HIS PAST RECORD, SPOKEN BEFORE THE COUNCIL

  THE FIFTY-FIRST DISCOURSE: IN REPLY TO DIODORUS

  THE FIFTY-SECOND DISCOURSE: ON AESCHYLUS AND SOPHOCLES AND EURIPIDES OR THE BOW OF PHILOCTETES

  THE FIFTY-THIRD DISCOURSE: ON HOMER

  THE FIFTY-FOURTH DISCOURSE: ON SOCRATES

  THE FIFTY-FIFTH DISCOURSE: ON HOMER AND SOCRATES

  THE FIFTY-SIXTH DISCOURSE: AGAMEMNON OR ON KINGSHIP

  THE FIFTY-SEVENTH DISCOURSE: NESTOR

  THE FIFTY-EIGHTH DISCOURSE: ACHILLES

  THE FIFTY-NINTH DISCOURSE: PHILOCTETES

  THE S
IXTIETH DISCOURSE: NESSUS OR DEÏANEIRA

  THE SIXTY-FIRST DISCOURSE: CHRYSEÏS

  THE SIXTY-SECOND DISCOURSE: ON KINGSHIP AND TYRANNY

  THE SIXTY-THIRD DISCOURSE: ON FORTUNE (I)

  THE SIXTY-FOURTH DISCOURSE: ON FORTUNE (II)

  THE SIXTY-FIFTH DISCOURSE: ON FORTUNE (III)

  THE SIXTY-SIXTH DISCOURSE: ON REPUTATION

  THE SIXTY-SEVENTH DISCOURSE: ON POPULAR OPINION

  THE SIXTY-EIGHTH DISCOURSE: ON OPINION

  THE SIXTY-NINTH DISCOURSE: ON VIRTUE

  THE SEVENTIETH DISCOURSE: ON PHILOSOPHY

  THE SEVENTY-FIRST DISCOURSE: ON THE PHILOSOPHER

  THE SEVENTY-SECOND DISCOURSE: ON PERSONAL APPEARANCE

  THE SEVENTY-THIRD DISCOURSE: ON TRUST

  THE SEVENTY-FOURTH DISCOURSE: ON DISTRUST

  THE SEVENTY-FIFTH DISCOURSE: ON LAW

  THE SEVENTY-SIXTH DISCOURSE: ON CUSTOM

  THE SEVENTY-SEVENTH/EIGHTH DISCOURSE: ON ENVY

  THE SEVENTY-NINTH DISCOURSE: ON WEALTH

  THE EIGHTIETH DISCOURSE: ON FREEDOM

  Marble bust of Trajan (AD 53-117) — several of Dio’s Discourses are directly addressed to the Roman Emperor on the theme of kingship.

  Photios I (c. 810-c. 893), was the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople from 858 to 867 and from 877 to 886. He was a great advocate of the study of Dio’s works during the Dark Ages.

  THE FIRST DISCOURSE ON KINGSHIP

  The first Discourse as well as the following three has for its subject Kingship, and from internal evidence is thought to have been first delivered before Trajan in Rome immediately after he became emperor. At any rate Dio does not address the Emperor in those terms of intimacy that he uses in the third Discourse.

  Dio’s conception of the true king is influenced greatly by Homer and Plato. The true king fears the gods and watches over his subjects even as Zeus, the supreme god, watches over all mankind. At the end is a description of the choice made by Heracles, who is the great model of the Cynics.

  The First Discourse on Kingship

  The story goes that when the flute-player Timotheus gave his first exhibition before King Alexander, he showed great musical skill in adapting his playing to the king’s character by selecting a piece that was not languishing or slow nor of the kind that would cause relaxation or listlessness, but rather, I fancy, the ringing strain which bears Athena’s name and none other. [2] They say, too, that Alexander at once bounded to his feet and ran for his arms like one possessed, such was the exaltation produced in him by the tones of the music and the rhythmic beat of the rendering. The reason why he was so affected was not so much the power of the music as the temperament of the king, which was high-strung and passionate. [3] Sardanapallus, for example, would never have been aroused to leave his chamber and the company of his women even by Marsyas himself or by Olympus, much less by Timotheus or any other of the later artists; nay, I believe that had even Athena herself — were such a thing possible — performed for him her own measure, that king would never have laid hand to arms, but would have been much more likely to leap up and dance a fling or else take to his heels; to so depraved a condition had unlimited power and indulgence brought him.

  [4] In like manner it may fairly be demanded of me that I should show myself as skilful in my province as a master flautist may be in his, and that I should find words which shall be no whit less potent than his notes to inspire courage and high-mindedness — [5] words, moreover, not set to a single mood but at once vigorous and gentle, challenging to war yet also speaking of peace, obedience to law, and true kingliness, inasmuch as they are addressed to one who is disposed, methinks, to be not only a brave but also a law-abiding ruler, one who needs not only high courage but high sense of right also. [6] If, for instance, the skill which Timotheus possessed in performing a warlike strain had been matched by the knowledge of such a composition as could make the soul just and prudent and temperate and humane, and could arouse a man not merely to take up arms but also to follow peace and concord, to honour the gods and to have consideration for men, it would have been a priceless boon to Alexander to have that man live with him as a companion, and to play for him, not only when he sacrificed but at other times also: [7] when, for example, he would give way to unreasoning grief regardless of propriety and decorum, or would punish more severely than custom or fairness allowed, or would rage fiercely at his own friends and comrades or disdain his mortal and real parents. [8] But unfortunately, skill and proficiency in music cannot provide perfect healing and complete relief for defect of character. No indeed! To quote the poet:

  “E’en to Asclepius’ sons granted not god this boon.”

  Nay, it is only the spoken word of the wise and prudent, such as were most men of earlier times, that can prove a competent and perfect guide and helper of a man endowed with a tractable and virtuous nature, and can lead it toward all excellence by fitting encouragement and direction.

  [9] What subject, then, will clearly be appropriate and worthy of a man of your earnestness, and where shall I find words so nearly perfect, mere wanderer that I am and self-taught philosopher, who find what happiness I can in toil and labour for the most part and employ eloquence only for the encouragement of myself and such others as I meet from time to time? My case is like that of men who in moving or shifting a heavy load beguile their labour by softly chanting or singing a tune — mere toilers that they are and not bards or poets of song. [10] Many, however, are the themes of philosophy, and all are worth hearing and marvellously profitable for any who listen with more than casual attention; but since we have found as our hearer one who is near at hand and ready eagerly to grasp our words, we must summon to our aid Persuasion, the Muses, and Apollo, and pursue our task with the greatest possible devotion.

  [11] Let me state, then, what are the characteristics and disposition of the ideal king, summarizing them as briefly as possible — the king

  “to whom the son

  Of Saturn gives the sceptre, making him

  The lawgiver, that he may rule the rest.”

  [12] Now it seems to me that Homer was quite right in this as in many other sayings, for it implies that not every king derives his sceptre or this royal office from Zeus, but only the good king, and that he receives it on no other title than that he shall plan and study the welfare of his subjects; he is not to become licentious or profligate, [13] stuffing and gorging with folly, insolence, arrogance, and all manner of lawlessness, by any and every means within his power, a soul perturbed by anger, pain, fear, pleasure, and lusts of every kind, but to the best of his ability he is to devote his attention to himself and his subjects, becoming indeed a guide and shepherd of his people, not, as someone has said, a caterer and banqueter at their expense. Nay, he ought to be just such a man as to think that he should sleep at all the whole night though as having no leisure for idleness. [14] Homer, too, in agreement with all other wise and truthful men, says that no wicked or licentious or avaricious person can ever become a competent ruler or master either of himself or of anybody else, nor will such a man ever be a king even though all the world, both Greeks and barbarians, men and women, affirm the contrary, yea, though not only men admire and obey him, but the birds of the air and the wild beasts on the mountains no less than men submit to him and do his bidding.

  [15] Let me speak, then, of the king as Homer conceives him, of him who is in very truth a king; for this discourse of mine, delivered in all simplicity without any flattery or abuse, of itself discerns the king that is like the good one, and commends him in so far as he is like him, while the one who is unlike him it exposes and rebukes. Such a king is, in the first place, regardful of the gods and holds the divine in honour. [16] For it is impossible that the just and good man should repose greater confidence in any other being than in the supremely just and good — the gods. He, however, who, being wicked, imagines that he at any time pleases the gods, in that very assumption lacks piety, for he has assumed that the deity is either fool
ish or evil. [17] Next after the gods the good king has regard for his fellow-men; he honours and loves the good, yet extends his care to all. Now who takes better care of a herd of cattle than does the herdsman? Who is more helpful and better to flocks of sheep than a shepherd? Who is a truer lover of horses than he who controls the greatest number of horses and derives the greatest benefit from horses? [18] And so who is presumably as great a lover of his fellow-man as he who exercises authority over the greatest number of men and enjoys the highest admiration of men? For it would be strange if men governing beasts, wild and of another blood than theirs, prove more kindly to these their dependants than a monarch to civilized men who are of the same flesh and blood as himself. [19] And further, cattle love their keepers best and are most submissive to them; the same is true of horses and their drivers; hunters are protected and loved by their dogs, and in the same way other subject creatures love their masters. [20] How then would it be conceivable that, while beings devoid of intelligence and reason recognize and love those who care for them, that creature which is by far the most intelligent and best understands how to repay kindness with gratitude should fail to recognize, nay, should even plot against, its friends? No indeed! For of necessity the kindly and humane king is not only beloved but even adored by his fellow-men. And because he knows this and is by nature so inclined, he displays a soul benignant and gentle towards all, inasmuch as he regards all as loyal and as his friends.

  [21] The good king also believes it to be due to his position to have the larger portion, not of wealth or of pleasures, but of painstaking care and anxieties; hence he is actually more fond of toil than many others are of pleasure or of wealth. For he knows that pleasure, in addition to the general harm it does to those who constantly indulge therein, also quickly renders them incapable of pleasure, whereas toil, besides conferring other benefits, continually increases a man’s capacity for toil. [22] He alone, therefore, may call his soldiers “fellow-soldiers” and his associates “friends” without making mockery of the word friendship; and not only may he be called by the title “Father” of his people and his subjects, but he may justify the title by his deeds. In the title “master,” however, he can take no delight, nay, not even in relation to his slaves, much less to his free subjects; [23] for he looks upon himself as being king, not for the sake of his individual self, but for the sake of all men.